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White Supremacist Convicted of Medgar Evers Murder


On February 5, 1994, white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith is convicted in the murder of African American civil rights leader Medgar Evers, over 30 years after the crime occurred. Evers was gunned down in the driveway of his Jackson, Mississippi, home on June 12, 1963, while his wife, Myrlie, and the couple’s three small children were inside.

READ MORE: How Medgar Evers’ Widow Fought 30 Years for His Killer’s Conviction

Medgar Wiley Evers was born July 2, 1925, near Decatur, Mississippi, and served in the U.S. Army during World War II. After fighting for his country, he returned home to experience discrimination in the racially divided South, with its separate public facilities and services for Black and white people. Evers graduated from Alcorn College in 1952 and began organizing local chapters of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). In 1954, after being rejected for admission to then-segregated University of Mississippi Law School, he became part of an NAACP campaign to desegregate the school. Later that year, Evers was named the NAACP’s first field secretary in Mississippi. He moved with his family to Jackson and worked to dismantle segregation, leading peaceful rallies, economic boycotts and voter registration drives around the state. In 1962, he helped James Meredith become the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi, a watershed event in the civil rights movement. As a result of his work, Evers received numerous threats and several attempts were made on his life before he was murdered in 1963 at the age of 37.

Beckwith, a fertilizer salesman and Ku Klux Klan member widely believed to be the killer, was prosecuted for murder in 1964. However, two all-white (and all-male) juries deadlocked and refused to convict him. A second trial held in the same year resulted in a hung jury. The matter was dropped when it appeared that a conviction would be impossible. Myrlie Evers, who later became the first woman to chair the NAACP, refused to give up, pressing authorities to re-open the case. In 1989, documents came to light showing that jurors in the case were illegally screened.

Prosecutor Bobby DeLaughter worked with Myrlie Evers to force another prosecution of Beckwith. After four years of legal maneuvering, they were finally successful. At the third trial they produced a riflescope from the murder weapon with Beckwith’s fingerprints, as well as new witnesses who testified that Beckwith had bragged about committing the crime. Justice was finally achieved when Beckwith was convicted and given a life sentence by a racially diverse jury in 1994. He died in prison in 2001 at the age of 80.

READ MORE: Civil Rights Movement Timeline


Evers began his journey as a civil rights activist when he and five friends were turned away from a local election at gunpoint. He had just returned from the Battle of Normandy in World War II and realized fighting for his country did not spare him from racism or give him equal rights.

After attending college at the historically black Alcorn State University in Mississippi and taking a job selling life insurance in the predominantly Black town of Mound Bayou, Evers became president of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL). As head of the organization, Evers mounted a boycott of gas stations that barred Black people from using their restrooms, distributing bumper stickers with the slogan "Don't Buy Gas Where You Can't Use the Restroom." annual conferences between 1952 and 1954 in Mound Bayou attracted tens of thousands.


Beckwith convicted of killing Medgar Evers

On this day in 1994, white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith is convicted of the murder of African-American civil rights leader Medgar Evers, over 30 years after the crime occurred. Evers was gunned down in the driveway of his Jackson, Mississippi, home on 12 June 1963, while his wife, Myrlie, and the couple's three small children were inside.

Medgar Wiley Evers was born 2 July 2 1925, near Decatur, Mississippi, and served in the U.S. Army during World War II. After fighting for his country, he returned home to experience discrimination in the racially divided South, with its separate public facilities and services for blacks and whites. Evers graduated from Alcorn College in 1952 and began organizing local chapters of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). In 1954, after being rejected for admission to then-segregated University of Mississippi Law School, he became part of an NAACP campaign to desegregate the school. Later that year, Evers was named the NAACP's first field secretary in Mississippi.

He moved with his family to Jackson and worked to dismantle segregation, leading peaceful rallies, economic boycotts and voter registration drives around the state. In 1962, he helped James Meredith become the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi, a watershed event in the civil rights movement. As a result of his work, Evers received numerous threats and several attempts were made on his life before he was murdered in 1963 at the age of 37. Beckwith, a fertilizer salesman and Ku Klux Klan member widely believed to be the killer, was prosecuted for murder in 1964. However, two all-white (and all-male) juries deadlocked and refused to convict him.

A second trial held in the same year resulted in a hung jury. The matter was dropped when it appeared that a conviction would be impossible. Myrlie Evers, who later became the first woman to chair the NAACP, refused to give up, pressing authorities to re-open the case. In 1989, documents came to light showing that jurors in the case were illegally screened. Prosecutor Bobby DeLaughter worked with Myrlie Evers to force another prosecution of Beckwith. After four years of legal manoeuvring, they were finally successful.

At the third trial they produced a riflescope from the murder weapon with Beckwith's fingerprints, as well as new witnesses who testified that Beckwith had bragged about committing the crime. Justice was finally achieved when Beckwith was convicted and given a life sentence by a racially diverse jury in 1994. He died in prison in 2001 at the age of 80.


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The Murder of Medgar Evers

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On June 12, 1963, Medgar Evers, 37, civil rights activist and field secretary for the NAACP in Mississippi, was shot in the back while walking up to his house. His two small children witnessed his murder. In his arms were a pile of tee-shirts that said, "Jim Crow Must Go." The gun that killed Evers was found with fingerprints, and the suspect, white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith, was swiftly arrested. Beckwith was tried twice in 1964, and in both trials the all-white juries remained deadlocked.

After his release, Beckwith was reported to have bragged about the murder at a Klan rally. His life thereafter reveals a man clearly unbowed (in 1967, Beckwith ran for lieutenant governor of Mississippi, placing fifth among the six candidates) and entrenched in violence (in 1973, he was sentenced to a five-year prison term for possession of dynamite).

In 1990, a series of investigative reports in Jackson's Clarion-Ledger, a committed prosecutor, and the indefatigability of Evers's widow, Myrlie Evers-Williams, produced new evidence. The case was reopened, and four years later, Beckwith was convicted of murder and sentenced to life in prison. He died in Jan. 2001 at age 90.


White supremacist convicted of killing Medgar Evers

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White supremacist convicted of killing Medgar Evers

On February 5, 1994, white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith is convicted in the murder of African American civil rights leader Medgar Evers, over 30 years after the crime occurred. Evers was gunned down in the driveway of his Jackson, Mississippi, home on June 12, 1963, while his wife, Myrlie, and the couple’s three small children were inside.

Medgar Wiley Evers was born July 2, 1925, near Decatur, Mississippi, and served in the U.S. Army during World War II. After fighting for his country, he returned home to experience discrimination in the racially divided South, with its separate public facilities and services for Black and white people. Evers graduated from Alcorn College in 1952 and began organizing local chapters of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). In 1954, after being rejected for admission to then-segregated University of Mississippi Law School, he became part of an NAACP campaign to desegregate the school. Later that year, Evers was named the NAACP’s first field secretary in Mississippi. He moved with his family to Jackson and worked to dismantle segregation, leading peaceful rallies, economic boycotts and voter registration drives around the state. In 1962, he helped James Meredith become the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi, a watershed event in the civil rights movement. As a result of his work, Evers received numerous threats and several attempts were made on his life before he was murdered in 1963 at the age of 37.
Beckwith, a fertilizer salesman and Ku Klux Klan member widely believed to be the killer, was prosecuted for murder in 1964. However, two all-white (and all-male) juries deadlocked and refused to convict him. A second trial held in the same year resulted in a hung jury. The matter was dropped when it appeared that a conviction would be impossible. Myrlie Evers, who later became the first woman to chair the NAACP, refused to give up, pressing authorities to re-open the case. In 1989, documents came to light showing that jurors in the case were illegally screened.

Prosecutor Bobby DeLaughter worked with Myrlie Evers to force another prosecution of Beckwith. After four years of legal maneuvering, they were finally successful. At the third trial they produced a riflescope from the murder weapon with Beckwith’s fingerprints, as well as new witnesses who testified that Beckwith had bragged about committing the crime. Justice was finally achieved when Beckwith was convicted and given a life sentence by a racially diverse jury in 1994. He died in prison in 2001 at the age of 80.


Fifty Years After Medgar Evers' Killing, The Scars Remain

For Myrlie Evers-Williams, the widow of slain NAACP leader Medgar Evers, the memories of 1963 are still raw.

Her family lived in terror behind the locked doors of their Jackson, Miss., home — a modest, three-bedroom, ranch-style house in one of the first new subdivisions built for African-Americans in Mississippi's segregated capital city. A back window in the tiny kitchen frames the backyard where Evers-Williams once grew rose bushes and a plum tree.

The family moved to Jackson when Evers accepted a job as the NAACP's first field secretary in the South — a job that made him a target of the white supremacists who would stop at nothing to preserve Jim Crow.

"Medgar became No. 1 on the Mississippi 'to kill' list," Evers-Williams says. "And we never knew from one day to the next what would happen. I lived in fear of losing him. He lived being constantly aware that he could be killed at any time."

The house was firebombed. The kitchen phone rang constantly with threats. Scars from the attacks still remain today.

Finally, just after midnight on June 12, 1963, a bullet struck Medgar Evers as he pulled into the driveway. Inside the house, the Evers' three young children heard the gunfire.

Reena Evers-Everette, just 8 years old at the time, says they immediately acted out the emergency drill their family had practiced time and time again: dropping to the floor alongside her brother Darrel, pulling down their younger brother, Van, and going into the tub in the bathroom.

"And then," she says, "we stopped and ran down the steps and begged our father to get up."

They found him on the carport, in a pool of blood, shot in the back.

The murder made the national news. It was yet another report of the brutal response to civil rights activists in the South. Just a month before, police in Birmingham had turned fire hoses and police dogs on young protesters.

The violence in 1963 grabbed the nation's attention and galvanized support for the Civil Rights Act.

Evers had been laying the groundwork for nearly a decade by then. In his role as field secretary for the NAACP, he traveled the state — registering voters, organizing boycotts of segregated businesses, and encouraging activists not to be intimidated. He also tried to lift what his widow calls the "cotton curtain" that had kept the violence in Mississippi hidden from the rest of the nation. One of his first NAACP assignments was investigating Emmett Till's murder in 1955.

"Mississippi is a race-haunted place," says Susan Glisson, director of the William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation at the University of Mississippi.

"It took grass roots — women and children and men — to lead the effort for social change, and it was much harder in Mississippi than other places. And that story needs to be told. It's not just this easy, Martin stood up and Rosa sat down and everybody's free."

From the state archives in Jackson, where Medgar Evers' life's work is on display, Glisson says he painstakingly documented every murder, beating, firebombing or other act of violence in Mississippi. "He would interview people, collect photographs when he could and share that information with the NAACP and widely. So there couldn't be this sense of denial, that folks were happy and that nothing was happening that was retaliatory for civil rights activity."

Glisson says Evers' strategy of attacking Jim Crow from the ground up expanded the role of the NAACP, which had been mainly focused on legally dismantling the infrastructures of racism.

Julian Bond, a founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, recalls the debate within the larger civil rights movement: "Could you attack segregation in a place like Mississippi from within? Or did it have to be attacked from without? . You've got to go right to the heart of the beast. And Medgar Evers was the first person to do that."

Bond, on a recent trip to Jackson, was amazed to see the airport bearing Medgar Evers' name, and downtown signs with Evers' picture announcing the 50th anniversary events.

"I marvel sometimes at the changes," he says. "And of course it's easy to say it's not enough, 'cause it's not enough. There are still things to be done. But I think of the way this state — Mississippi — was 50 years ago, and the way it is now. The change is just enormous. I mean I used to be afraid when I drove through Mississippi. I'm not afraid now. I'm going to drive through Mississippi day after tomorrow to Alabama. I'm not afraid to go to Alabama anymore."

But the change was slow to come. It was 30 years after the killing before a Mississippi jury convicted Evers' assassin — white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith. And it took even longer for the state to fully embrace Evers' legacy.

Over the next week, Evers will be honored with a series of events culminating in Jackson next Wednesday — the 50th anniversary of his death.


How Medgar Evers' Killer Was Finally Convicted

Rarely have two men with so many similarities of background been destined for such different fates as civil rights champion Medgar Evers and Byron De La Beckwith, the white racist who shot Evers to death in 1963.

In "Ghosts of Mississippi," magazine journalist (Time, Esquire) Maryanne Vollers offers a vivid look at this oddest of odd couples and traces the weird counterpoint of their personal histories, which intertwined like themes in a fugue until one took the other's life.

Working from a wide assortment of archival materials and extensive interviews with almost all the people directly involved in the story, Vollers describes the many points of similarity in the lives of Beckwith and Evers but takes care to point out the reasons their paths could cross only at the end of a gun.

Both Evers and Beckwith were lifelong residents of the deep South who emerged from the great social ferment of World War II dissatisfied with U.S. society and aching to bring changes in it, she writes. Both were obsessed with the relations between black and white Americans both attempted to lead movements aimed at changing those relations and both flirted with the notion that the only way to work that change was through violence.

Despite these surface similarities, the two men could not have been more different: Vollers paints a picture of Evers as a hard worker, a deeply driven and intelligent man and a charismatic leader who won followers with the force of his convictions and the skill of his arguments.

On the other hand, she portrays Beckwith as a man steeped in mediocrity who was taken seriously by no one of consequence. As a leader, he developed no following except a ragged collection of racists who preferred the simpleminded pleasures of cross burning and lynching to other forms of political persuasion.

Vollers spins the two men's stories out across the backdrop of the social change that was rocking the South at the time. She shows how the influences of Martin Luther King Jr., the Freedom Riders and the 1962 business boycott in Jackson, Miss., combined to transform Evers into a formidable fighter for human rights -- and to turn Beckwith into a cowardly killer who would end Evers' efforts with a single bullet from a rifle.

Although police quickly identified Beckwith as the assailant and dug up compelling evidence of his guilt, on two occasions, all- white juries were unable to agree on a verdict. As Vollers notes, it seemed the Jim Crow attitudes that caused Evers' death would also conspire to cheat the civil rights leader of simple justice.

After Beckwith's second mistrial, the Evers case went dormant for nearly 30 years. Beckwith developed tight bonds with elements of the murderous white supremacist underground and became a "leader" among the racists of the Ku Klux Klan. Evers' family continued to lobby tirelessly for justice.

Meanwhile, the South slowly changed, Vollers shows, and black political power grew. Then, in 1990, a new team of prosecutors filed amended murder charges against Beckwith.

Vollers makes it clear that the new evidence unearthed for the third trial made the case against Beckwith even tighter. But more important, she notes that time had brought changes in political and social attitudes to Mississippi that made a fair trial finally possible.

The third time around, a mixed jury was seated that was ready and able to give Evers justice. Beckwith was convicted and his conviction upheld.

Although Evers' murder occurred a generation ago, Vollers builds suspense in re-creating the events of his death -- and its aftermath -- with a deft narrative touch. She turns what could have been dry history into a detective story laced with fascinating portraits of the key Evers family members who kept his case alive and of the law enforcement officers and prosecutors who eventually convicted his murderer, at no small risk to their own careers.

"Ghosts" is tightly composed, with spare, effective writing. At one point, Vollers conjures up the monotonous vistas and oppressive atmosphere of the deep South with a crisp bit of description: "The roads in the Delta don't seem to bend. They slice through the swamp flats like a child's exercise drawing in perspective, where the shimmering pinpoint of infinity is the Mississippi River, unseen, but felt in the distance."

In many ways, "Ghosts" is a haunting book. By isolating a small piece of the history of the civil rights movement, Vollers has made the entire story more accessible and compelling. By letting us inside the heads of her primary characters, she makes us care about them enough to keep turning those pages.


White Supremacist Convicted of Medgar Evers Murder - HISTORY

The murder shocked the African American community and resulted in near riots. President Kennedy issued a statement condemning the killing, and the FBI took control of the search to find Evers’s murderer. Within two weeks, a fertilizer salesman named Byron de la Beckwith (1920–2001) was arrested for the crime. The evidence against Beckwith seemed overwhelming: the rifle scope from the alleged murder weapon had one of his fingerprints, his car was seen in the area near Evers’s home at the time of the killing, and he had asked two cab drivers for directions to Evers’s home just days before the murder. In addition, Beckwith was a member of the White Citizens Council, a white supremacist organization. However, Beckwith produced witnesses—including two police officers—who testified that he was far away from Evers’s home at the time of the murder.

Beckwith’s murder trial began in 1964. In court, he was confident and friendly with court officials and even with members of the jury, who were all white males from the area. The governor of Mississippi visited Beckwith during the trial, and some accounts state that the jury witnessed the governor hugging the defendant in the courtroom. For the African Americans in attendance, however, Beckwith showed only contempt. Despite the evidence against him, he appeared certain that his white male peers on the jury would find him not guilty. Both the prosecution and defense were surprised when the jury came back after over thirty hours of deliberation and told the judge that they could not agree on a verdict. They were split nearly down the middle with no hope of reaching an agreement—a situation known as a hung jury.

Because the trial could not be completed, prosecutors were free to file murder charges against Beckwith a second time, which they did. This led to a new trial in 1965, which also ended in a hung jury. Rather than risk acquittal with a third trial, prosecutors chose not to file charges until more convincing evidence arose or until conditions improved enough for African Americans that they could be sure to receive an impartial jury. Unlike other crimes, cases involving murder do not have to be taken to trial within a certain period of time, known as a statute of limitations. Prosecutors could wait as long as necessary to guarantee a fair trial. It finally took place more than thirty years after Evers’s murder.

Unlike the juries in the first two trials, the jury for the new trial was at last representative of the population in Jackson: it contained eight African Americans and several women. New evidence included witness testimony that Beckwith had bragged about committing the murder. In 1994, at the age of seventy-three, Beckwith was at last found guilty of murdering Evers he was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole. He died in prison in 2001.

Myrlie and Reena Evers cheer the conviction of Medgar Evers” murderer, Byron De La Beckwith, on February 5, 1994. Photo: Associated Press

In 1996, director Rob Reiner (1947–) released the film Ghosts of Mississippi, which details the murder of Evers and the long road to justice. In the film, Whoopi Goldberg (1955–) portrays Evers’s widow Myrlie, who continued to push for a third trial even after decades had passed. Evers’s two adult sons appear as themselves in the film, and his daughter plays the role of a juror. After the successful trial of Beckwith, Myrlie Evers-Williams (c. 1933–) was selected as chairman of the NAACP. She served as chairman from 1995 until 1998, continuing the activist work of her former husband. (1)

Ghosts of Mississippi: The Murder of Medgar Evers, the Trials of Byron de la Beckwith, and the Haunting of the New South by Maryanne Vollers. The book is available from the library(call number).

After three trials and thirty-one years, Byron de la Beckwith was found guilty of murdering Medgar Evers, the legendary Mississippi civil rights leader. Beckwith, who was seventy-three years old and suffering from poor health when the jury announced its verdict, was sentenced to life in prison for the killing. Maryanne Vollers’ Ghosts of Mississippichronicles the social, political, and legal consequences of the Medgar Evers/Byron de la Beckwith saga, spanning seventy of the most chaotic and troubled years in Mississippi history. Vollers opens her book with Beckwith in his jail cell awaiting his third trial as he entertains several friends and relatives with animated stories and racist jokes. Beckwith is shown to be a confident exhibitionist who thrives on both attention and animosity. (Read more)

Learn more about the trials here.

New Medgar Evers Trial May Help Mississippi Cleanse Its Past

In late 1989 Bobby DeLaughter embarked on what looked like a mission impossible. His job: to reassemble the 27-year-old murder case against Byron De La Beckwith, the white supremacist who was tried twice in the 1963 assassination of civil rights leader Medgar Evers.

DeLaughter, a white Hinds County assistant district attorney who was in 3rd grade when Evers was shot, set off on his assignment with little information and less hope. He had no murder weapon, no list of previous witnesses, no transcript of the 1964 trials. (Read more)

(1) “Evers, Medgar (1925–1963).” African American Eras: Segregation to Civil Rights Times. Vol. 1: Activism and Reform, The Arts, Business and Industry. Detroit: UXL, 2011. 12-16. Gale Virtual Reference Library


Feb 5, 1994: Beckwith Convicted of Killing Medgar Evers

Byron De La Beckwith - Convicted in 1994 of Murdering Medgar Evers.

On this day in 1994, white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith is convicted in the murder of African-American civil rights leader Medgar Evers, over 30 years after the crime occurred. Evers was gunned down in the driveway of his

Jackson, Mississippi, home on June 12, 1963, while his wife, Myrlie, and the couple’s three small children were inside.

Medgar Wiley Evers was born July 2, 1925, near Decatur, Mississippi, and served in the U.S. Army during World War II. After fighting for his country,

Civil Rights Leader Medgar Wiley Evars.

he returned home to experience discrimination in the racially divided South, with its separate public facilities and services for blacks and whites. Evers graduated from Alcorn College in 1952 and began organizing local

chapters of the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). In 1954, after being rejected for admission to then-segregated University of Mississippi Law School, he became part of an NAACP campaign to desegregate the school. Later that year, Evers was named the NAACP’s first field secretary in Mississippi. He moved with his family to Jackson and worked to dismantle segregation, leading peaceful rallies, economic boycotts and voter registration drives around the state. In 1962, he helped James Meredith become the first African American to attend the University of Mississippi, a watershed event in the civil rights movement. As a result of his work, Evers received numerous threats and several attempts were made on his life before he was murdered in 1963 at the age of 37.

Beckwith, a fertilizer salesman and Ku Klux Klan member widely believed to be the killer, was prosecuted for murder in 1964. However, two all-white (and all-male) juries deadlocked and refused to convict him. A second trial held in the same year resulted in a hung jury. The matter was dropped when it appeared that a conviction would be impossible. Myrlie Evers, who later became the first woman to chair the NAACP, refused to give up, pressing authorities to re-open the case. In 1989, documents came to light showing that jurors in the case were illegally screened.

Prosecutor Bobby DeLaughter worked with Myrlie Evers to force another prosecution of Beckwith. After four years of legal maneuvering, they were finally successful. At the third trial they produced a riflescope from the murder weapon with Beckwith’s fingerprints, as well as new witnesses who testified that Beckwith had bragged about committing the crime. Justice was finally achieved when Beckwith was convicted and given a life sentence by a racially diverse jury in 1994. He died in prison in 2001 at the age of 80.


June 12, 1963: Medgar Evers Murdered in Mississippi

On June 12, 1963, Medgar Evers was murdered by a white supremacist in the driveway outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi.

Evers was inducted into the United States Army in 1942. By the end of the war, Evers was among a generation of Black veterans committed “to return [home] fighting” for change.

The initial “fight” for Evers was to register to vote. In the summer of 1946, along with his brother, Charles, and several other Black veterans, Evers registered to vote at the Decatur city hall. But on Election Day, the veterans were prevented by racist whites from casting their ballots.

In 1952, he joined the NAACP. As a field worker for the NAACP, Evers traveled through his home state encouraging African Americans to register to vote.

The experience only deepened Evers’s conviction that the status quo in Mississippi had to change. By 1954, Evers began an 8-year career as the Mississippi state field secretary for the NAACP, including the creation of NAACP youth councils.

He investigated nine racial murders and countless numbers of alleged maltreatment cases involving Black victims during the period. His organizing and murder investigations doubled the number of NAACP members who boycotted and agitated for justice in Mississippi. He was instrumental in getting witnesses and evidence for the Emmett Till murder case and others, which brought national attention to the terrorism used against African Americans.

Description above from MDAH profile Medgar Evers and the Origin of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi by Dernoral Davis. Learn more about Medgar Evers at SNCC Digital Gateway and from the resources listed below.

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Teaching SNCC: The Organization at the Heart of the Civil Rights Revolution

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Unit with three lessons on voting rights, including the history of the struggle against voter suppression in the United States.

Medgar Evers

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The Voting Rights Act: Ten Things You Should Know

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Key points in the history of the 1965 Voting Rights Act missing from most textbooks.

The Autobiography of Medgar Evers: A Hero’s Life and Legacy Revealed Through His Writings, Letters, and Speeches

Book – Non-fiction. By Manning Marable and Myrlie Evers-Williams. 2006.
Comprehensive collection of the words of slain civil rights activist Medgar Evers.

Count Them One by One: Black Mississippians Fighting for the Right to Vote

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A detailed portrait of brave individuals who risked everything in their fight for the right to vote.

I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle

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Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi

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Race Against Time: A Reporter Reopens the Unsolved Murder Cases of the Civil Rights Era

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An account of one journalist’s search for the long-buried truths that could bring killers to justice for the assassination of Medgar Evers, the firebombing of Vernon Dahmer, the 16th Street Church bombing in Birmingham, and the Mississippi Burning case.

Eyes on the Prize: America’s Civil Rights Years, 1954-1985

Film. Produced by Henry Hampton. Blackside. 1987. 360 min.
Comprehensive documentary history of the Civil Rights Movement.